I don’t know the full scale of an invasion by 2 nations you’re talking about but it would be impossible to fully insert your army into the United States. Plus the United States has everybody outgunned. The response by the United States to somebody daring to attack the Empire would be total and devastating. The best thing to do would be to get the fight out of the United States and into other regions as quickly as possible by expelling the enemy from the homeland and then taking the fight directly to their countries and critical territories. Then force them into total submission and you’d have to punish them both heavily to show a lesson to the rest of the world what happens if anyone dares to attack the United States directly. Even 2 nations that played this out in a vaccuum without the rest of the world which would certainly rally in greater numbers to the United States and its allies side than to wanting to see the world ruled by the Russians or Chinese 100 years from now and definitely sway the result in favor of the United States.
So if 2 nations play this out in a vacuum with the United States the United States is now uninvadable. You can’t take the entire country it’s going to be extremely hard to even take parts of it because any entry points like port cities are completely protected and the army can get there in days. We wouldn’t move the entire army but enough parts to put down the invasion. Then our Navy would counterattack. Immediately. There’d be a complete destruction of the enemies Navies over a period of years while the Air Force bombed them. Taking the fight directly to the enemy would cause the enemy to have to commit considerable forces from the attack to defending their own homelands. Not to mention the situations politically and among the people in their countries. Once the enemy begins to take forces from the attack the threat to the United States starts to get exponentially reduced.
RUSSIA has long feared a Chinese invasion of its sprawling far east. Large Russian armies regularly drill in southern Siberia. This year the exercises are the largest since the cold war. But what is striking is not just the scale of “Vostok-2018”, but the fact that thousands of Chinese soldiers will take part in them as honoured guests.
Nothing highlights the growing defense ties between China and Russia more than the fact that Beijing is, for the first time, contributing significant forces to a large Russian military exercise on Russian soil.
Vostok-2018, which is scheduled for Sept. 11-17, is the biggest Russian military exercise in over three decades, involving nearly 300, 000 soldiers, 1,000 aircraft and 900 tanks.
Joining them will be 3,200 troops from the People’s Liberation Army — contributing to a regular Russian exercise that, when held in 2010, was designed to simulate a conflict with China.
Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu has declared that Vostok-2018 “will be unprecedented in terms of geographic scope and the strength of command and control centers and forces due to participate.”
Doubtless, western military planners will be watching closely. However, while the West may have underestimated the renewed strength of the Moscow-Beijing relationship, the U.S. and its allies must be cautious about the steps they take in seeking to break it up.
To some this looks like the reversal of Richard Nixon’s visit to China in 1972. Back then, America split the big communist powers. Now China and Russia are binding closer to challenge the American order. The parallel with the cold war is imperfect. But the West should worry nonetheless, not least because the exercises hold a mirror to America’s weakened alliances.
Now it’s just about the respective war machines of these 3 nations battling it out in a complete vaccuum. I’d bet on the organizational and economic power of the United States against Russia and China in a produce your way out of a war scenario at home. The United States would have to spend a lot of time and resources putting down the enemy and disciplining them this could potentially weaken the United States in the long run because they would have to figure out how to efficiently organize and energize the post war economies of these countries and rebuild the world so that would put the progress of the country back a little.
The result is that the China-Russia strategic partnership must now be accepted as an established feature of international politics. It will not become a full military alliance, not least because Beijing does not wish to become entangled in Russia’s regional difficulties or its volatile relations with the U.S. Nonetheless, this quasi-alliance can play a decisive role in the future of Asia, with Russia providing China with the natural resources, diplomatic support, and military technology that it needs to achieve its goal of regional predominance.
What are the U.S., Japan and their liberal allies to do to resist this combined challenge to the rules-based international order?
Some strategists will inevitably argue that the West must drive a wedge between China and Russia by offering inducements to one or the other. This was the thinking that motivated U.S. President Richard Nixon’s famous visit to China in 1972. Now, however, the logical target would be Russia since it is the weaker of the two and is less of a long-term threat.
The West could therefore adopt a policy of engagement, offering economic and political incentives in exchange for Moscow distancing itself from Beijing. At the same time, Western governments could surreptitiously encourage bilateral tensions. The aim would be to leave China isolated internationally and with concerns about the security of its 4,000km northern border.
This goal of drawing Russia away from China has been an underlying motivation of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s dogged pursuit of closer ties with Moscow since his return to office in 2012. It is conceivable that such thinking may also have informed President Donald Trump’s decision to meet Putin in Helsinki in July 2018.
Such realpolitik could prove successful in the short term since Russia would undoubtedly welcome Western sanctions relief, as well as the opportunity to play China and the U.S. off against each other. Nonetheless, the temptation to make a grand bargain with Russia must be resisted.
It must not be forgotten that, during the last five years, the Putin government has been responsible for the invasion of Ukraine, arming forces which are accused of shooting down a civilian airliner, the hacking of the U.S. presidential election, and the use of a nerve agent on the streets of the U.K. This is to say nothing of its treatment of domestic opponents.
Courting such a regime to weaken China might be sold as the best way to preserve the liberal order, yet, in reality, it would be a betrayal of the very principles that the West purports to uphold.
The U.S. and its allies need to recognize the growing strength of the China-Russia relationship and to wake up to its regional implications. At the same time, however, they must demonstrate that their commitments to international law and justice are more than just rhetorical flourishes and that they will not be traded away for short-term strategic gain.
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